Such is the pet quotation of the day, and used in a thousand places that its author never dreamed of, and by many who have learned political phrases by rote.

The sentiment is, however, true, in a great degree, at this hour; and we would only change the invocation into the more appropriate words, stand by your rights!

We think that the very fact of argument being exhausted, should induce us to abandon the position of disputants and assume that of statesmen, whose rights are settled and understood by themselves, and who will no longer debate their rightfulness, but demand their full recognition.

The necessity, then, arises for us to consider how the argument has been exhausted, and the consequent necessity for upholding vested rights, even, if need be, by that last terrible resort, an appeal to arms.

Let us here remark, that bare assertions are not evidence, even when made by those immaculate oracles, politicians; and that he who flies into a rage at non-agreement with his unexplained views, is as absurd as the pedagogue who is amazed at the stupidity of the scholar, which it is his business to instruct.

Those who suppose that the South has gained nothing in the protracted “argument,” are most strangely ignorant of their country's political history, for no sentiment on earth—not even the new born glories of Christianity—ever gained ground with such rapidity as the rightfulness of African slavery. Fresh from the storms of the revolution, the colonies were yet thrilling with indignation against everything that was fraught with memories of British tyranny, and the African slave system shared the general detestation. Slaves first brought over to the tobacco and rice plantations, were pressed upon the already crowded market by the merchants of England, the remonstrances of our people were unheeded, and the effort to stop the flood tide of negroes, who were as wild and dangerous in the midst of civilizations as the Indians on its [sic] borders, were checked by the crown as an interference with trade. Thus it was that Georgia and Virginia entered the revolution to stop the influx of slaves, and emerged from it with their best statesmen prejudiced against the institution. The Abolitionist who fathers his creed upon JEFFERSON, WASHINGTON, and the sires of our country, but shows his ignorance of the times, which made great and true men oppose then, what they would love and cherish amid the events of to-day.

Twenty years ago, the owners of slaves thought it right to excuse themselves, under the plea that they had the slaves and could not dispose of them; in short, must make the best of an evil; and CLAY's plan of emancipation was hailed as inspiration by true men, not long ago.

Tell us not then, that it was folly to argue so long! The South did not understand her destiny, any more than the Constitution, when in 1820 she gave the votes of her Representatives for the exclusion of slavery North of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes, and her faith grew into knowledge by slow but sure degrees. In 1850, the compromises were repeated upon a more definite basis, and after that long argument whose high debate shook all the land, the slavery question was declared settled. We lost empire and gained the recognition of a principle, but our real gain was the establishment of the Georgia platform, the support of all men to its fourth resolution, and the idea of resistance unto dissolution, then made a part of our State creed. But the argument of that day was not effectual, for the slavery question was not settled.

In 1854, after four years of debate, Democracy brought up her battery of southern mind, and following the lead of DOUGLAS, overthrew the forces of Abolitionism in the great victory on the Kansas act. Then, as in 1850, great men told us what they honestly thought, that the slavery question was “forever banished from the halls of Congress.” But the throwing open [of] the Territories to the South upon the principles of popular sovereignty and non-intervention, was as impotent to lay the spirit of discord, as had been the bartering of an empire for a right; and the vexed question did not leave the Capitol for an hour. Victors indeed we were, but the scattered forces of Abolitionism, joined with kindred elements, and the Black Republican party sprang up from the sown teeth of the dragon we had slain.

Our next plan was to pledge the people to the principles of 1854, by a solemn endorsement at the ballot box, and BUCHANAN and BRECKINRIDGE were sent to Washington, as exponents of the great peace idea. It is needless to say that the power of a chosen Administration did not banish the question, but that the integrity of the party was shaken, by disagreements between its great leaders.

In 1860, we tried all sorts of plans, from a party with a universal platform, to one with a sectional one. We attacked the enemy in front and flank by three divisions, and were all defeated in squads.

We are perfectly satisfied that we have exhausted the argument! We have gained advantages, and have brought up the entire South to estimate the value of her rights; but we are wearied of the interminable debate. We are convinced by the vote, that the number of the converts North does not bear a proper proportion to the length and energy of the sermon. We are all bound, as Democrats, to stop now, for we stand pledged to our platform, and that tells us to stop. Every Democrat, in 1856 and 1860, endorsed the declaration by his vote, that the principle of non-intervention is “the ONLY ONE on which the heart of the people can rely, in its determined conservatism to the Union.”

That principle has been repudiated by the North, and voted down by the South, and the record of our votes declares that no principle now binds the popular heart to the Union.

Some persons desire to get up another National party, but we beg that our little wing be excused from the performance. Our party went into action with the old victorious banner of 1856 floating above them, and with its legions [sic] inscribed upon every door post in the land. The prestige of nationality, the power of name, the age and glory of its principles, the record of all great statesmen, save Mr. YANCEY, you who looked for protection to BRECKINRIDGE, in a State which some of you do not consider southern; remember only, that we are all defeated together, and drop the wordy argument, and let us ACT.

All the action, however, should have distinct reference to the object to be accomplished. That object is simply to stand by our rights in every needful way, even by arms. To be true to rights, it is not needful to be extreme. While MURRILL,^* the great robber of the West, would not trust a new member of his band unless he had first outlawed himself by crime, it has never been necessary for a southern man by birth or adoption to officiate as hangman at the demise of an incendiary, or offer to fight any given number of northern men, in order to prove himself sound. All men who are conscious of their own devotion to home and country, may rest in quiet until the hour of action, and their worthy deeds shine just as bright, as bright as though heralded by a few months of preliminary boasting. Therefore we shall deem the man as true to his State, who obeys her by action, or non-action as he who scorns the authority of the local sovereignty, which he should die if need be, to uphold.

It is astonishing to witness the rage which inflames some of our friends; and still more so, to hear that our State is disgraced and dishonored. We repel with indignation the idea that spot or blemish can rest for a moment upon the proud escutcheon of Georgia, and we thank God that it never was in the power of any Government or State to humble the proud banner which bears up the arch of the Constitution on its folds. Where is the law on the statute books of the Union, to which the South did not give the assent of votes? Where the law on the books of a State which Georgia has commanded to be blotted out, and which stands there yet? Evils there are which our State will speedily right in one way or another, but no Yankee Governor or Congressman shall ever boast, with truth, that any power but our own volition could drive us out of the Union, or keep us in it.

Let us have no absurd gasconade or ad captandum arguments, for they do more harm than good. The boasts of deeds unperformed do not smell of sulphur, and thousands of good simple souls wonder why we do not spank the North like a bad baby, and make her behave in the Union. 

An argument which only addresses itself to the pocket of the patriot, as a reward, will hardly influence southern men, since it has just failed to influence northern men as a punishment.

Therefore, let us not raise the cry of a disgraced and dishonored South, for secession would be but backing from a blow, not revenging it, and is not the final remedy if we have wrongs to punish. 

Let us raise no cry of war and inevitable revolution, for we have failed to terrify the Abolitionists, and will find less plastic elements to bend here. Seek not to buy the people into virtue, by holding out calculations of which all the quantities are unknown.

Simply stand by our rights, and if the Union be not a safe ark for our tables of the law, we have timber and gold enough to make another. We know our rights, and they are all plainly laid down. We will have them, and all that is needful to do is to ask for them of the great partners of the Union firm, and quit doing business with those that refuse. 

The resistance to which the State stands pledged, should be in exact proportion to the wrong complained of. If [we] resist at all, beyond remonstrance, we must get out of the Union to do it. We have heard of one county, a portion of whose citizens simply declare that the North has hurt our feelings, that we have no idea it intended to do it, and if we tell them of it they want [sic] to do it again. That position being impregnable, we will pass it by. We say that if we do not get all we desire by sending an ultimatum, (and it is rumored that one State has replied in the negative before it was sent,) then we must resist, and will have to secede before we can resist. The first thing to resist, is the influence, bribery and demoralising effect of a Black Republican Administration. It is not safe, as Mr. HILL has demonstrated, to trust eight hundred million of dollars worth of negroes in the hands of a power which says that we do not own the property, that the title under the Constitution is bad, and under the law of God still worse. So we must get out, to keep out or resist improper influence.

If we want retaliatory legislation to stop negro stealing, we must quit the Union to get it; for the Constitutional obligation of contracts and equality of citizenship, bars us while we remain with the North under it.

If we want a war of revenge, we must get out first, and get a Congress of our own, empowered to declare war and contract alliances.

If we want to raise an army and take possession of the Territories, we must first withdraw the delegated power to do so. If we are base enough to tie ourselves to England, the mother of Abolitionism, and wish to sit in her grand pow-wows side by side with a negro delegate from Canada, and be insulted, as Judge LONGSTREET was, we must first resume the power to make treaties. 

The argument is exhausted, or has at least grown tiresome. Let us stand by our rights without fear or bravado.

Having failed to secure them in a Union where a controlling majority is against us, we must, as prudent men, seek new guards for future security.

* In the Publisher's opinion, this is a typo for Morrill, as in Justin Morrill, Congressman from Vermont and author of the Morrill Tariff bill, which had yet to be enacted.